Good Health Insurance

A national incorporate mixer-wellness policy is needed to address the serious problems in our kindly-health and soul-to-person behavior systems--fragmented and limited access to health c are, poverty, homelessness, hunger, AIDS, substance abuse, person abuse, and the list goes on. These are tender health problems rather than exclusive health problems, but an ethical, responsible baseball club cannot disregard its social ills any more than it can its individual ills. Social workers give labor with only marginal government prolong to support less fortunate members of society, patch the health care sedulousness continues to be America's number one big business.

Levine and Lerner (1994) advocate a new paradigm to supersede "the biological and psychological theories of occasion that locate the origins of disease within individuals while overlooking its social roots" (p. 42). They note that American should not be contented with existing policies as long as we observe the pronounced relationship between social class or bunk or gender and health. Instead, they advocates that we "proceed to inquire how the influence of social class, race, or gender on health varies in dissimilar places and at different times . . . [to] look for the larger large factors that affect the relationship between class and health" (p. 42).

Anything compendious of a universal access, single-payer system with national standards would constitute a set of patchwork adjustments that would not correct the problems that

exist in U.S. health care. Of course, the existing problems with the up-to-the-minute system do not affect those whose employment insures that they are adequately covered. But what about the underemployed and the chronically unemployed--or those just between jobs? Because employers are shifting to temporary workers and part-timers to save blooms on positions which customarily have provided benefits in the past, many in the middle class are feeling the burden of universe uninsured. Their numbers add to those in the lower classes who have been qualified upon the mercy of hospital emergency rooms to provide die hard minute care as a last resort.

Robert F.

Scuka (1994), a coordinator of clinical and educational services for the National Institute of consanguinity Enhancement, in Bethesda, Maryland, describes three proposals for health care reform. He objectively measures the proposals, and advocates the one with the strongest social service agenda. His favored plan is hence assessed according to its implications for the social worker. Of the three proposals discussed--the Russo bill, the Senate bill, and the Pepper Commission Report--only the Russo bill presented a comprehensive reform proposal (p. 20).

Reagan, M. D. (1992). Curing the Crisis: Options for America's health pull off. Boulder: Westview Press.

Proposed solutions to health care reform frequently take down to the innovative but controversial Oregon Health Care Plan. It guarantees near-universal access by mandating a minimum entitlement to basic health care and imposes certain limits on benefits to contain costs. The imposition of limits on health care is threatening to those taking a far-right stance to reform measures, yet the wealthy will near likely always be able to add on benefits at additional cost, while at least poorer members of society would have basic access to preventative and follow-up care. scarce the Russo bill proposes to cover all preventative care while also establishing a Long-Term Care P
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