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Wednesday, November 7, 2012

American History "The Ludlow Massacre"

p.). As Steven Millies points out, the burn miners were mandatory to shop at stores, send their children to schools, and attend churches and libraries that were all have by CF&I (Millies, n.p.). Thus, the coal miners worked in the mines and past were compelled to spend their money only on company-owned products and services.

The strike provoked a harsh response from CF&I. The company evicted the strikers from their homes, exit women and children, mostly from immigrant families, without shelter as the harsh winter approached (Wikipedia, n.p.). However, UMWA groups across the country helped the strikers to organize tent cities in the nearby hills and stock up on the strike, though often through violent bureau (Wikipedia, n.p.). CF&I also hired a hush-hush detective agency to harass the strikers (Wikipedia, n.p.). But even though there were several deaths, the workers refused to end the strike.

The mine operators then appealed to atomic number 27 Governor Elias M. Ammons to intervene. Ammons sent the National Guard to keep the mines operate (Sheppard, n.p.). In April 1914, the governor evicted the tent colony even though it had been established on worldly concern property (Wikipedia, n.p.). Then on April 20, the National Guard opened fire with machine guns on the largest of the tent cities in Ludlow. Millies argues that the National Guard was essentially doing the bidding of Rockefeller because Rockefeller had invested 20 million dollars in CF&


During the shooting and the fire, more than 40 miners and their family members were killed, including two women and football team children whose bodies were found aft(prenominal) the fire in a defend dug under a tent where they had been hiding. It was non clear(p) whether they had suffocated or burned to death (Sheppard, n.p.). The incident became a pull in cry for the UMWA, who called the incident the "Ludlow Massacre" (Wikipedia, n.p.).
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Immediately after the massacre, however, the strikers did not obtain their demands and they were replaced by non- mating ones. Moreover, none of the National Guardsmen who attacked the strikers was ever prosecuted (Wikipedia, n.p.).

I. Thus, Millies lays the whang at Rockefeller's feet when the Guard set the tent colony on fire later that night (Millies, n.p.).

Although the strikers did not immediately make water their demands, the massacre generated sympathy for the union cause in the West. It would collect more than 20 years, however, before a true union was formed at CF&I. Initially, Rockefeller's son, John Rockefeller, Jr., hired common ivy Lee, whom Millies describes as "one of the founders of habitual relations," to craft a public message about the massacre. Thus, Lee sought to turn public opinion in favor of CF& I and thence the Rockefellers by creating the appearance that CF&I had embraced the union after the massacre. To accomplish this, Lee created a "phony union" for the coal miners in 1915, giving CF&I one of the jump compan
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