U.S Versus Japanese

Green argues that American protectiveness of lacquer's semipolitical system during the unwarmed War had the effect of insulating Japan from the realities of geopolitical responsibility in a perilous international arena. At the same time, that insulation could have been perceived as aligning Japan as a threat to Asian security. Japan was more or less coerced into supporting American activities in Asia in view of contemplation of the withdrawal of an American front in Japan, given the well-known ambitions of the People's Republic of China and atomic number 7 Korea to dominate Asian trade and politics. Green cites the threat that marriage Korea poses to regional stability in East Asia (Green 251) as able reason for the US to shore up Japanese powerfulness in the region. However, both Green and Johnson question whether a mutually beneficial Japan could be relied upon to continually support US constitution in Asia, if that insurance constitution included support of US commission to protect Taiwan against invasion by the PRC, or protect the safety of international navigation in Asia. The question of US-Japanese transaction in the yett North Korea ever attacked South Korea is even more problematic. In that regard, South Korea has made plain that "no matter what happens on their peninsula [including invasion from the north] they do

Mochizuki, Mike M. "A New U.S.-Japan Security Bargain." Asia: aft(prenominal) the 'Miracle.'" Ed. Selig S. Harrison and Clyde V. Prestowitz, Jr. Washington, D.C.: sparing Strategy Institute, 1998. 125-40.

Green, Michael. "The Challenges of Managing U.S.-Japan Security: Relations subsequently the Cold War." New Perspectives on U.S.-Japan Relations. New York: Japan common snapping turtle for International Exchange, 1999. 241-64.

Johnson, Chalmers. "Ending Japan's Protectorate Status. Asia: After the 'Miracle.'" Ed. Selig S. Harrison and Clyde V. Prestowitz, Jr. Washington, D.C.: Economic Strategy Institute, 1998. 109-124.

One reason that Japan's interests would be served if it were less perceived as an American client state in the geopolitical arena is that absence of independence implies an absence of geopolitical veracity that may not serve it very well all over the long haul. Two related but distinct things go on at the same time when Japanese impertinent policy posture consistently reflects its reliance on--or acquiescence in--US policy decisions. The first is that Japan may be obliged to curb actual policy preferences behind a screen of international cooperation with the Americans. The second is that Japan may be enabled to conceal much(prenominal) preferences behind cooperation. Concealment is the common factor in every scale, but various implications arise from it based on the reasons for it.

Elsewhere, Johnson makes the case that, as a matter of fact, Japanese scotch policy over the course of the 1980s and 1990s was by and macroscopic pointed in the direction of geopolitical and trade independence from the US hegemon and release of Japan from the dreadful yoke of developing-nation status (132-33). For nearly of the 20th century this meant that Japan was focused on Cold War security and political stability (134ff). It turned out, however, that economic and not military or security issues preoccupied nation-state planners, when it was in the economic arena that Japan has exhibited the most independence.
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