Esther of Jews in the Diaspora

3.8), implies that Haman is imparting much or less new information to Ahasuerus. Haman's purpose is murderous, of course, but the perplex point is that Ahasuerus--preoccupied as he is with provincial governors, courtly splendor, h atomic number 18m, Vashti's insubordination, and so on--does not appear to have given the Jews as a group much thought one way or the other. Offended by Mordecai's insubordination, Haman makes a project of changing that, telescope the wheels in motion that will oblige Ahasuerus to take delineate of the Jews province by province and dispense with them once and for all. Haman's challenge has the effect of making the Jews, hitherto a relatively hidden subordinate go under comprising one of Ahasuerus's many subordinate peoples, more visible. Personal animus against Mordecai drives his attempt to make state form _or_ system of government for Ahasuerus. Ahasuerus, meanwhile, agrees to Haman's plan in a relatively casual way. When Mordecai, who by and by all has little to lose, takes to the streets in sackcloth and ashes as something of a reject against the death decree for the Jews, the narrative line of Esther as a story about the status of Jews in the Diaspora is firmly established. In this regard, White makes the point that the setting of the story in Persia "is of primeval importance, because the book is attempting to teach its audience to lead a prospering life in the Dia

The stay problem is that despite Haman's execution the previous royal enactment calling for destruction of the Jews cannot be rescinded. Esther's solution--pleaded for, again, in a fair display of self-abnegation before Ahasuerus--is not to publicly bring down a retr follow up, which could embarrass Ahasuerus, but rather to issue a new royal edict authorizing the Jews to arm and defend themselves as they see fit (Esth. 9.16). Now such commentators as Kuyper are appalled by Esther's "illegitimate boldness" in asking for the second edict and for the execution of Haman and his family. Equally, says Kuyper, "One dislikes to see an nerve of such revenge, especially in a woman.

It seems to suggest that Esther corporal some of the bloodthirstiness which later flagrantly cursed the incur of Herod" (176). Kuyper goes further, citing the "immeasurable difference" between Old Testament Esther and clean Testament Mary. This argument from morality can be set beside abundant textual evidence that half measures are just not part of Persian political reality. The expulsion of Vashti, the plotting (and then(prenominal) exposure) of Bigthan and Teresh, Haman's genocidal dreams, and Esther's retaliation are of a piece, and it is difficult to see how Esther's vengeance can be viewed as more morally discordant than Haman's. Further, Kuyper's negative characterization of Esther begs the question of what he might gauge of such biblical heroes as Samson and Joshua, whose mass slaughters are faithfully and on the whole approvingly recorded (Judg. 15.13-15; Josh. 11.16-23).

accord to Bickerman's account of Esther, "it is unnecessary to dwell on the decision of Esther to enter to the king uninvited" (192). On the contrary, the enormity of Esther's decision and action to approach the king cannot be overstressed. This decision is an important index number of the development of Esther's heroic personality. Her status as a Jew puts her in peril, and her status as part of the harem positions her as an inferio
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