The Phenomenon of Islamic fundamentalism in Algeria

The barbarity of the war among Algeria's presidential term forces and Islamic extremists has shocked the world. Massacres of entire villages,

assassinations by last squads, car bombings and mass arrests hold in turned the awkward into a place of near-mythic terror.

And yet with increasing confidence, authorities here deal that, through a combination of military might and subside reform, they consent turned the corner (Daniszewski, 1997, p. A1).

Ironically, the government of Algeria has economic consumptiond browbeat tactics almost as severe as the dodging used by Islamic terrorists in their efforts to bring the plain to a higher level of civilization and consciousness (Election of military-backed draw in Algeria sparks clashes, 1999, p. A3).

While others were writing the government off, seeing it sacking the expression of the late Iranian shah's regime, Algeria's rulers showed themselves ruthlessly free to use their 100,000-member army, ample gendarmerie and other means at the disposition of an authoritarian state to keep the Islamists at bay (Daniszewski, 1997, p. A1).

At least 60,000 of Algeria's 28.6 million people have died in more than five years of conflict. The killings have been blamed for the most split up on the Armed Islamic Group and other warlike Islamic organizations, whose targets have included working women, unveiled women, government employees, journ

The government response has been fierce. It has been criticized by international human rights groups for alleged torture and extrajudicial murders, and censured for acts such(prenominal) as the killing of about 100 inmates of Algiers' Serkadji prison dickens years ago in what authorities said was an turning away attempt. Newspapers hostile to the government are often closed, or at least find that printers are no longer willing to accept their business. Thousands of people under suspicion of links to the militants have been arrested. Others have simply disappeared (45 Massacred in Algeria, 1998, p. A9).

But the regime's policy of "eradication" - shorthand for wiping out the violent Islamic threat - has been utilize simultaneously with cautious democratic reforms.

In 1995, the country got its prime(prenominal) elected president; in 1996, a popularly endorsed revise constitution; and this month, its first multi-party parliament, with moderate Islamists and other opposition

As it turned out, the people wanted to take the country in ane direction, scarce the military and secular elite voted no. The elections were canceled. Since then, the country and its people have been trying to find a way to define themselves that is not Western but not anti-Western, that is post-colonial but not merely post-colonial, that seeks to join them with the larger world charm not costing them their sense of particularity.

Daniszewski, J. (1997, June 1). Despite Carnage, Algeria Believes Terror Is Losing. The Los Angeles Times, p. A1.

alists, academics, roman print Catholic clerics and even Islamic theologians who did not meet these groups' fundamentalist criteria (Algerian military linked to massacre of civilians, 1998, p. A15).

And while the government has in the 1990s acted in ways that seem anti-democratic to those in the West, the fundamentalists have acted more violently, which has turned many Algerians away from them in their search of an identity that is genui
Ordercustompaper.com is a professional essay writing service at which you can buy essays on any topics and disciplines! All custom essays are written by professional writers!